The Futures Of The Human Race
A book by Michael Godfrey Bell

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BOOK ONE: 2007 - GLOBALIZATION

Chapter Seven: The Internet

 

 

Introduction

The 'Groupishness' Of The Internet

The Internet and the Nation State

The Internet As A Provider Of Morality

Alternative Social Models On The Internet

Deception on the Internet

The Springs Of Social Behaviour On And Off The Internet

The Role of the Internet in the Delivery of Moral Conduct

The Role of the Internet in Human Evolution

 

 

Introduction

Three key aspects of the Internet will be the focus of this chapter: the first, the ability of the Internet to encourage and facilitate the human instinct to affiliate in groups with strong codes of morality, something that was not the case with previous media innovations; the second, the tendency of the Internet to bypass existing societal boundaries, and specifically nation states; and the third, perhaps in the long run the most profound, the opportunities offered by the Internet for people to develop alternative models of society.

These three attributes of the Internet are already combining to make it a potent agent of change, and will considerably accelerate the transition to globalized models of cooperation and governance in all of the dimensions surveyed in Part One of the book - economic, cultural, political, legal and fiscal.

The 'Groupishness' Of The Internet

The Internet permits and even encourages the formation of groups entirely at the wish of the individual.

Previous inventions have been helpful in supporting groups: radio and television provide groupish programming; books often appeal to groups; and magazines are quintessentially groupish. But only the Internet provides such a ready means of forming groups, of enhancing communication between group members, and of allowing the development of a social environment for geographically-separated group members.

Groups are often called 'communities' on the Internet. Virtual reality communities such as World of Warcraft and SecondLife satisfy wholly unfulfilled human needs for social groupings, and are developing moral environments that are at least as complex as those provided in the 'real' world.

The importance of the group as a key building block, indeed foundation, of human society must not be underestimated. Although consciousness may have originated way back in animal evolution, there's no doubt that cognitive power, and presumably consciousness as part of that, expanded greatly with the arrival of social groups.

Despite the growing role in social and cultural development of institutions above the level of the basic human group, humans retain their groupish natures because they developed before external, over-arching social institutions became the focus of evolution, and genetically speaking, humans don't appear to have changed greatly in the last 30,000 years.

The Internet and the Nation State

At least as it is presently organized, and perhaps permanently, the Internet is able to provide a forum in which groups can exist pretty much independently of nation states. Indeed, this aspect of the Internet is so threatening to the less democratic - more authoritarian - types of nation state such as China that they go to great lengths to circumscribe its effectiveness. Happily, they are mostly unsuccessful.

Other chapters have described the process by which the nation state has taken upon itself the moral and behavioural regulation of its citizens, roles which were once performed by more or less 'groupish' institutions such as the village (the commune), the church and even (once, especially) the family.

The Internet As A Provider Of Morality

It is of the utmost importance to notice that groups on the Internet are not just at liberty to formulate codes of conduct for their members but that they do so with great abandon; and these rules are in almost all cases extremely moral, in the sense that they conform well to codes of behaviour promulgated in the past by religions and other moral authorities. This is partly because such rules are deeply embedded in human nature as a result of evolution, and will immediately come to the surface in any grouping of people if there is no externally imposed frame of reference. Partly also there is no doubt a degree of cultural uniformity among some of the populations that form groups on the Internet, which is reflected in the rules they make for themselves.

Proposing that Internet groups will have basically moral structures may sound rather extreme, or a triumph of soppy hope over reality. But just look at the evidence displayed by the following fairly random selection of Internet groups, clubs or associations. It would be easy to find ten times as many examples (and see Appendix 3, which consists of a survey of a number of Virtual Internet Communities - VICs - including extracts in some cases from their rule-books).

  • Parmedia is a membership news blog and has an extensive Compact setting out the standards members are expected to adhere to. Here is a short extract:

    'The ParMedia Site is dedicated to the free exchange of all ideas and viewpoints. Because it is our objective to provide our contributors and readers (one and the same) with the best environment for gaining knowledge and submitting useful information on topical events, we request that our members maintain certain standards and respect other people's right to a differing viewpoint. If you disagree with certain Content, we ask that you disagree with the viewpoints expressed and not with the people that have them. In other words, we will not tolerate vicious personal attacks, vulgarity or other unacceptable conduct. Although we want to make this environment as open and uncensored as possible, we ask that all members adhere to this Compact.'

  • Print-Planet.com is part of E-Communities, an extensive series of computer user groups which requires a substantial amount of personal and professional information before admitting members. It has a long user agreement. One paragraph reads:

'Your use of the Services is subject to, and you agree to not use the Services in any manner that is prohibited by or facilitates the violation of, any applicable local, state, national, or international law or regulation. Without limiting the generality of the foregoing, you agree:

'that you will not use the Services to: (a) stalk, harass, or harm another individual; (b) impersonate any person or entity or otherwise misrepresent your affiliation with a person or entity; (c) interfere with or disrupt the Services or servers or networks connected to the Services or disobey any requirements, procedures, policies, or regulations of networks connected to the Services; (d) collect or store personal data about other users; (e) post, e-mail, or otherwise transmit any unsolicited or unauthorized advertising or promotional materials, "spam," or other forms of solicitation; (f) attempt to gain unauthorized access to other computer systems or to disable or circumvent any security or tracking mechanisms included in or operating in conjunction with the Services; or (g) interfere with anyone else's use and enjoyment of the Services.'

  • Secondlife.com is a prominent example of 'virtual reality' sites. Secondlife's 'Community Standards' are a good sample of virtual world 'ethical codes'.

    'We hope you'll have a richly rewarding experience, filled with creativity, self expression and fun.

    'The goals of the Community Standards are simple: treat each other with respect and without harassment, adhere to local standards as indicated by simulator ratings, and refrain from any hate activity which slurs a real-world individual or real-world community.

    'Within Second Life, we want to support Residents in shaping their specific experiences and making their own choices.

    'The Community Standards sets out six behaviors, the "Big Six", that will result in suspension or, with repeated violations, expulsion from the Second Life Community.

    'All Second Life Community Standards apply to all areas of Second Life, the Second Life Forums, and the Second Life Website.

    'Intolerance
    Combating intolerance is a cornerstone of Second Life's Community Standards. Actions that marginalize, belittle, or defame individuals or groups inhibit the satisfying exchange of ideas and diminish the Second Life community as whole. The use of derogatory or demeaning language or images in reference to another Resident's race, ethnicity, gender, religion, or sexual orientation is never allowed in Second Life.

    'Harassment
    Given the myriad capabilities of Second Life, harassment can take many forms. Communicating or behaving in a manner which is offensively coarse, intimidating or threatening, constitutes unwelcome sexual advances or requests for sexual favors, or is otherwise likely to cause annoyance or alarm is Harassment.

    'Assault
    Most areas in Second Life are identified as Safe. Assault in Second Life means: shooting, pushing, or shoving another Resident in a Safe Area (see Global Standards below); creating or using scripted objects which singularly or persistently target another Resident in a manner which prevents their enjoyment of Second Life.

    'Disclosure
    Residents are entitled to a reasonable level of privacy with regard to their Second Lives. Sharing personal information about a fellow Resident --including gender, religion, age, marital status, race, sexual preference, and real-world location beyond what is provided by the Resident in the First Life page of their Resident profile is a violation of that Resident's privacy. Remotely monitoring conversations, posting conversation logs, or sharing conversation logs without consent are all prohibited in Second Life and on the Second Life Forums.

    'Indecency
    Second Life is an adult community, but Mature material is not necessarily appropriate in all areas (see Global Standards below). Content, communication, or behavior which involves intense language or expletives, nudity or sexual content, the depiction of sex or violence, or anything else broadly offensive must be contained within private land in areas rated Mature (M). Names of Residents, objects, places and groups are broadly viewable in Second Life directories and on the Second Life website, and must adhere to PG guidelines.

    'Disturbing the Peace
    Every Resident has a right to live their Second Life. Disrupting scheduled events, repeated transmission of undesired advertising content, the use of repetitive sounds, following or self-spawning items, or other objects that intentionally slow server performance or inhibit another Resident's ability to enjoy Second Life are examples of Disturbing the Peace.'

With fairly minor adaptions, this would do very well for a code of social ethics under which most 'real-world' inhabitants would be only too happy to live their lives!

Alternative Social Models On The Internet

As noted, the Internet expands people's ability to associate by making it very easy for an individual to find other, like-minded individuals. It also allows an individual to pretend: perhaps this can be seen as the cyber-space equivalent of an amateur dramatic society, and that's just what it looks like in the case of virtual communities such as World of Warcraft. The anonymity of the Internet can have bad results (middle-aged paedophiles pretending to be football-playing 15-year old girls), of course, but this may be a short-lived phenomenon (see evolution of the Internet, below).

Alongside sophisticated internal bodies of laws governing behaviour, with severe sanctions for those who break the laws, Virtual Internet Communities (VICs) also have 'real' economies, in which actual money can be made or lost through trading activity. Although the progenitors (and supervisors) of these games (as they were originally) are ambivalent about this commercial activity or in some cases opposed to it, the only way in which they'll stop it is to become like a State, and this is probably not what their players want. There is completely transparent competition on the Internet, and few external limits (yet) on how players should behave. In the case of E-Bay, coming from the opposite, commercial, direction, sub-economies have already sprung up, many of them 'groupish' in nature; E-Bay also has had to construct a complex body of law dealing with the behaviour of its users.

Perhaps because alternative communities on the Internet are the special home to young people, older people and particularly the 'authorities' worry about whether they encourage violence or sexual permissiveness, and about whether they so distort a youngster's idea of 'reality' that she will be somehow unfitted for life in the 'real' world.

What is the 'real world'? Surely it is no more than a series of social situations in which a person has to behave with her peers in such a way as to maximize her success in terms of the goals of life, including but not limited to survival, mating and the pursuit of happiness. It is very hard to see why 'alternative' reality communities should not serve these purposes just as well as 'real' ones. Perhaps they don't ideally do so at present, largely due to the relatively primitive stage of development of the sites themselves; but even now they are not doing a bad job.

This is a large subject, and in terms of the social change that may flow from the seemingly inevitable dominance of the Internet as a communications medium, it is addressed from some different angles in later chapters. Here we will consider a few aspects of the Internet which are important to its future role as an agent of social change.

Deception on the Internet

One of the characteristics of the Internet that most worries critics of its influence on young people is that fact that you don't know who you are talking to. In fact, deception is nothing new among humans, and we are well equipped to deal with it.

Deception is widely described among proto-social groupings of animals (eg monkeys) but it doesn't seem to have adverse consequences for the social position of the individual until the group acquires more sophistication. It is one weapon among many, that is all. But once the group starts to have internal organisation, and individuals have knowledge of each other's characteristics (roughly coeval with the use of language and the increase in brain size that led to the emergence of homo sapiens) then deception, if practised in the group, is rapidly noticed and punished by expulsion or withdrawal of group benefits (grooming, access to females, inclusion in trade).

This is not to say that deception disappears from the range of human behaviours because of groups; of course not. What changes is that reputation acquires a positive value, and it can be lost by aberrant behaviour (aberrant from group norms). Reputation management is prime among the social skills which people developed in early group social environments.

One of the main results of the use of complex linguistic interaction among group members is indeed the use of gossip to build or damage reputation. Barkow, Cosmides and Tooby 2: 'Gossip from an anthropological perspective is a means of social control, a sanction that forces one to adhere more closely to social norms than one would otherwise be inclined. Reputation is determined by gossip, and the casual conversations of others affect one's relative standing and one's acceptability as a mate or as a partner in social exchange.'

As the group becomes larger, deception becomes easier to practice again, because you can't know everybody in a settled community of 3,000 individuals, with the difference that it has become established as wrong - because it is hurtful to the group. The groupish instinct or nature of the individual has many dimensions, and the wrongness of deception is one of them.

Chris Knight 3 summarizing Desalles 4 asks why it is that within human coalitions status is earned through the efforts of the individual to display and acquire information, whereas in ape society it may be earned more effectively by manipulation or concealment of relevant information? For Lasalle, the answer is that in the human group ownership of information has replaced physical strength as the most important currency. In an ape troop you hardly need a reputation for strength; you are strong or you are not. In a human group, there is no physical attribute that says you are wealthy in information, hence the need for reputation.

Trivers 5 points out that individuals can move between groups as a result of social factors, for instance an individual engaging in much deception can be expelled, or a cooperator can choose to leave a group which permits too much deception. Nick Emler 6 argues that much of our daily use of language is in fact concerned with reputation management.

A growing body of opinion links deception as practised by humans with self-deception, itself closely associated with the psychological mechanism of repression. Randolph M Nesse and Alan T Lloyd 1 review a wide range of research on this subject, concluding that the capacity for self-deception may offer a selective advantage by enhancing the ability to deceive others. Quoting Alexander and Trivers, the authors propose that a person who consciously believes what is being said to be true is more likely to convince others. If evolution goes to such lengths to encourage deception, then it obviously was adaptive. But it is not nearly so adaptive in a co-operative group, which has therefore had to develop mechanisms to prevent or discourage it.

On the Internet, deception already takes many forms. We may include viruses, spam and impersonation as deceptive behaviour. They are getting so bad that some people give up the Internet as a bad job; but really it is just a kind of Black Death situation. Viruses, as in animals, have given rise to antibodies (patches or the equivalent) and doctors (Norton, etc). Some of the remedies are even called Doctor this or Doctor that. It is perhaps a bit early to say that viruses have been defeated; they never will be, either in people or in computers. But the vigilant, prepared individual (computer) should be able to defeat them in almost all cases.

Spam is 'free-loading' run riot. It is a kind of stealing, of the power of other people's computers, and of their time taken to sort through the incoming e-mails. Its effectivess in economic terms (for the sender) is wholly based on anonymity and the costless borrowing (stealing) of data and computer power, and loss of anonymity will rapidly prevent it. It is a special case of impersonation, in fact. The issue is how to deprive people on the Internet of the capacity to impersonate others, or at least to make impersonation so difficult to achieve, so easy to discover, and so costly when discovered, that there is no incentive to do it.

In human evolution this was achieved as regards deception by the emergence of groups, or more accurately, it was a by-product of the emergence of groups, viewed from a positive aspect of the development of individual reputation as a kind of badge of okayness. Technologically, it would not be that difficult to make the e-mail process completely transparent on the Internet, but the resulting loss of confidentiality and the extra powers given to regulators would make such a solution unacceptable to most people. Spam filters are a partial solution, but are very imperfect and are perhaps only a stop-gap measure. The solution may come instead from some kind of positive, associative process, in which a combination of certification, encryption and individual reputation will allow safe e-mail communication within groups of individuals, and between conforming groups. Identity theft would still be possible, but it would be easily detected and traced. The process of stealing an identity on the Internet requires something like a virus, to penetrate a group's or an individual's defences, and as seen above, that is a diminishing problem.

The Springs Of Social Behaviour On And Off The Internet

Before trying to determine whether the Internet will be a force for social good, or the opposite, it is instructive to explore a little the psychological mechanics of social behaviour.

The starting point is the assertion that undesirable social behaviour stems from lack of a robust internalized moral structure and that this in turn results from the absence of group-delivered behavioural rules. In Jungian terms, the anti-social individual fails to share in a positive and effective collective unconscious.

If that starting point is accepted, then anything that can increase involvement in (the right type of) groups is going to increase the power of the individual's collective unconscious and decrease his tendency towards anti-social feelings or behaviour.

Of course this is why Lord Baden-Powell started the Boy Scouts; it is why Prince Charles started the Prince's Trust; and there are hundreds of other examples which go to prove that association is seen as a positive tool in building 'the right kind of personality'.

The real world, as it is called, is not going to deliver associative goods in the necessary quantities. On the contrary, people are ever more individualistic - and encouraged to be so by our culture - and for some time to come (but not for ever) the State will continue to squeeze out competitive deliverers of morality. The 'empowerment' of individuals will continue, with bad social results.

On the Internet, as much as in the 'real' world, desired behaviour is the result of moral rules which are taken on board, or at any rate, obeyed by the individual. Broadly speaking, there are three levels or channels through which these rules can be delivered, and these will apply just as much on the Internet as off it:

  • Unconscious imperatives (eg reciprocal altruism as developed by evolution);
  • Conscious imperatives (eg 'I believe in the 10 Commandments' and therefore I will not steal);
  • Externally imposed rules (eg by the State or a group to which one belongs).

Which of these channels is more effective, or or off the Internet?

In order to answer this question it's necessary to take a brief digression through the question of consciousness, which was broached in the Introduction, taken further in Chapter 2 (The Globalization of Culture), and is continued here.

The problem of consciousness is unresolved, but it is at least possible to distinguish the cognitive activities that take place in the illuminated arena of awareness from that awareness itself. There is no a priori reason why these activities should have to take place within 'awareness' rather than outside it. Thinking to oneself, 'Ah, that is Jones and look, today he is growing a beard', is an activity that could perfectly well take place in an unconscious part of the brain, and probably does, alongside the fact that one is aware of it.

'What shall I do next?' is a slightly more difficult case; but this is a question that the brain is answering on all sorts of levels all the time. Again, what is the biological or evolutionary benefit of having awareness of the posing and/or answering of this question?

Many evolutionary biologists believe that consciousness arose as a part of groupishness: in their view, the complexity of the moment-to-moment decision process when surrounded by perhaps dozens of your peers, and needing to take into account a complex mass of moral precepts, both internalized and external, requires a filtering process, and they propose that consciousness is the most effective way of creating such a filter.

This explanation does not however sit well with the fact that, as noted in the Introduction, the set of moral precepts that developed along with the basic groupishness of humans is housed and delivered unconsciously. The complex networks of feelings that govern social relationships are also not habitually experienced consciously; it would be extremely complicated (but not necessarily unproductive) to try to be conscious of the intricate balance of emotions and principles that cause us to 'behave' in a particular way to a particular person at a particular moment. When we do try to control our behaviour consciously, it often comes across as 'contrived' or 'false', because of our lack of access to the underlying data. Sometimes, after the event, one can analyze the causative factors of a piece of behaviour, but for the most part it is spontaneous and remains unexplained.

Pending the results of further research on how the brain actually works in complex social situations, one can only say that social behaviour is a complex mixture of conscious and unconscious processes, and that there is no reason to think that behaviour on the Internet in a group situation will be any different from 'real world' behaviour in a social setting. Moral behaviour, on or off the Internet, is delivered by an unconscious set of precepts and feelings; and in addition in many or even most situations there will be explicit group rules, as illustrated above. External frames of reference will also apply (the law of the land, for instance).

The Role of the Internet in the Delivery of Moral Conduct

Based on the analysis of human social behaviour set out in the Introduction, and amplified in the last paragraph, we can make some assertions about the interplay between human behaviour and the Internet, roughly as follows:

1. Humans have a predisposition to affiliate;

2. Ingrained groupishness carries with it a set of unconscious behaviours which are reinforced by membership of multiple groups and are mostly beneficial in social terms;

3. The moral structure of society is defined and delivered largely through the agency of groups;

4. The human unconscious and consciousness are both involved in applying moral precepts to social behaviour;

5. Use of the Internet tends to increase the 'groupedness' of individuals and through their acceptance of the moral precepts that are implied by group membership, both at the unconscious and the conscious level, their social behaviour tends to improve rather than otherwise.

For it to follow that the Internet will be a force for good, socially speaking, it needs to be true that individuals will increasingly use the Internet for social interaction and to develop group memberships, and that the Internet itself will continue to develop its potential as a means of communication without too much interference from the State. Both of these conditions seem likely to be fulfilled.

The Role of the Internet in Human Evolution

Book One has attempted to show that the march of globalization is both unstoppable and largely beneficial, and that the Internet is already playing a key role in that process.

Books Two and Three address the difficult subject of how humans may change in the next 100 years, both in terms of their existing genetic endowment and in terms of their technological interface with the outside world.

Human evolution is certainly continuing; arguably, faster than ever, both in the strict Darwinian sense of genetic evolution, and in the more general sense of cultural and societal evolution. In Books Two and Three, the Internet, or rather the set of communications and other technologies of which it is a part, will be seen to exercise a pervasive influence on both these types of evolution.

Footnotes:

1. Nesse, R M (1992) The Evolution of Psychodynamic Mechanisms, in The Adapted Mind, ed J H Barkow, L Cosmides and J Tooby, pp 601-624, OUP, New York

2. Barkow, J H, Cosmides, L, and Tooby, J, (1992) The Adapted Mind: Evolutionary Psychology and the Generation of Culture, OUP, New York

3. Knight, C (2000) The Evolution of Cooperative Communication, in The Evolutionary Emergence of Language, ed Knight, C, Studdert-Kennedy, M and Hurford, J R, CUP, UK

4. Dessalles, J-L (2000) Language and Hominid Politics, in The Evolutionary Emergence of Language, ed Knight, C, Studdert-Kennedy, M and Hurford, J R, CUP, UK

5. Trivers, R (2002) Natural Selection and Social Theory; Selected Papers of Rovert Trivers, OUP, New York

6. Emler, N (1990) A Social Psychology of Reputations, European Journal of Social Psychology, I, pp 171-93

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